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President Barack Obama engaged House Republicans in an extraordinary televised debate Friday, days after calling for a more bipartisan approach to governing.

The tone was civil, but Obama stood his ground as he parried some of the harshest critics of his performance as president. His Republican hosts, aware that the event was being beamed live from a Baltimore hotel, went out of their way to show deference and largely pulled their punches.

“You know, I’m having fun,” Obama said, to laughter, when asked if he had time for more questions. “This is great.”

If the session was rare by the standards of American politics – and it was – it didn’t rise to the level of question time in the British House of Commons, where opposition politicians hurl barely disguised insults at the prime minister. In the ballroom of an Inner Harbor hotel, Joe Wilson, the South Carolina congressman who loudly called the president a liar at a joint session of Congress last year, was never heard from.

To occasional grumbling from the Republican assemblage, Obama maintained that he was not an ideologue and had repeatedly incorporated their ideas into his initiatives.

Obama insisted that the differences between the two major parties are much narrower than they are often made out to be. At the same time, he was repeatedly critical, sometimes sharply so, in deploring what he described as a Republican desire to “score political points” at the cost of better government in opposing his policies.

Obama said that Republicans have attacked his agenda as “some wild-eyed plot to impose huge government in every aspect of our lives.” As a result, he added, “you guys then don’t have a lot of room to negotiate with me.”

In line with his remarks about partisanship in Wednesday night’s State of the Union address, Obama said Democrats and Republicans were both to blame for demonizing the opposition party – typically to satisfy more extreme elements of the left or right. That is one of the reasons, he added, that it has gotten tougher to actually get things done in Washington.

“I think both sides can take some blame for a sour climate on Capitol Hill,” he said, after hearing repeated criticism of House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s style of leadership.

The 178 Republican congressmen and women, out of power in the House and lacking the leverage that Senate rules give Republican senators, have become the stepchildren of today’s Washington politics. Largely shut out of legislative deal-making in the Democratic House, they protest that their policy alternatives have been routinely ignored. House Republican Leader John Boehner of Ohio presented a copy of the Republican election-year policy manual, “Better Solutions,” to the president, who reacted to the title with a broad grin.

Obama tried to address the Republicans’ overall complaint, mentioning a list of their ideas that he said he’d already adopted. He said that not only does he study Republican proposals in detail, he reads the substance of Republican legislation, even if he ultimately decides to reject it.

At the 90-minute luncheon, the high point of a three-day Republican retreat at the Renaissance Baltimore Harborplace Hotel, Obama was generous in giving the Republicans both his time and personal attention. After delivering an opening speech, he took their questions for more than an hour, much longer than scheduled. Then he stayed to shake hands and pose for pictures with the congressmen and their families.

While inviting the Republicans to challenge his ideas, he also confronted theirs and wasn’t shy about criticizing their actions. Pointedly accusing Republicans of what amounted to hypocrisy, he openly questioned the motivation behind their opposition to his economic stimulus plan, which received no Republican votes in the House.

“A lot of you have gone to appear at ribbon-cuttings for the same projects that you voted against,” he said. “If there’s uniform opposition because the Republican caucus doesn’t get 100 percent or 80 percent of what you want, then it’s going to be hard to get a deal done.”

Rep. Jason Chafetz, a freshman Republican from Utah, stood and told Obama, “I can look you in the eye and tell you, we have not been obstructionist.”

The president defended at length his embattled health-care overhaul plan. He described it as “pretty centrist,” arguing that it was “pretty similar” to a plan put forward by two former Republican leaders, Bob Dole and Howard Baker, and former Democratic leader Tom Daschle.

“Frankly, how some of you went after this bill, you’d think that this thing was some Bolshevik plot,” Obama said, to laughter. “That’s how you guys presented it.”

At another point, he sought to ally himself with Republicans against a common enemy: the news media. “The problems we have sometimes is a media that responds only to slash-and-burn style politics,” the president said.

Obama acknowledged he had failed to do a better job of bringing Democratic and Republican leaders together. In response to sharp questioning from Chafetz, he conceded he had broken a campaign promise to put legislative negotiations over health care on C-SPAN, which did carry the Baltimore event, along with other cable channels.

The Baltimore luncheon had originally been planned as a two-part event: remarks by the president, open to the news media, followed by a private question session with lawmakers. The president had held a similar closed session with the Republicans last year.

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Twenty relatives of those killed in the conflict were given seats at the inquiry in order to listen to the former prime minister answer questions about the events leading up to the 2003 war.

Less than an hour after it started, one father stood up and walked out muttering: “This is a waste of time, I can’t take this anymore.”

Valerie O’Neill, whose son Kris was killed by a roadside bomb in 2007 said Mr Blair evaded many of the questions put to him.

“He never gave a straight answer and could not be swayed by the inquiry panel,” he said. “We waited until the very end for an apology from Mr Blair but we didn’t get one.

“He couldn’t bring himself to say it as far as I could see.”

Sarah Chapman, a former nurse whose brother Robert O’Connor was one of 10 men shot down in a Hercules in January 2005, said she was left speechless by his performance.

“I am gutted and angry,” she said. “Every time he was asked about his reasons for going to war, he said it was all about the people in Iraq.

“Of course Saddam Hussain was not a good leader, but this was not his only reason for going to war.

“I feel Mr Blair acted alone and did not discuss war with anyone who might disagree with him.

“He showed a complete inability to acknowledge the sacrifice that has been made on the part of the armed forces in this country.

“He spent all the time justifying himself rather than explaining why he went to war. When asked at the end if there was anything he wanted to add, he said no.

“I was so upset, I hope the sound of my tears will ring in his ears.”

Rose Gentle, whose son Gordon was killed in 2004, said Mr Blair failed to acknowledge any of the relatives: “He walked straight into to room and never looked at us.

“We had to look at the back of his head – I wish the tables had been turned so that he faced us.”

Fusilier Gentle died in Iraq in June 2004 when the Snatch Land Rover he was travelling in was blown up by a roadside bomb.

His mother has fought a lengthy campaign to raise awareness about the lack of military equipment and set up the group Military Families Against War.

Mrs Gentle said it was clear Mr Blair had not involved most of his cabinet or parliament in the decision to go to war.

“His mind was made up from the start,” she said. “I don’t think anything would have changed it. I wanted to ask him – why lie?

“Why did he just not put his hand up and say why he wanted to got to war? I will be angry with that man for the rest of my life.”

Anne Donnachie, from Reading, whose son Paul was killed by a sniper in 2006, said: “I blame Tony Blair for my son’s death – he doesn’t care about the families and he won’t face up to it.”

Outside the inquiry, a core of around 200 protesters spent the day shouting anti-Blair slogans.

They carried a cardboard coffin bearing a cartoon mask of Mr Blair’s head, with the words “The Blood Price” on one side.

Holding “Bliar” placards, they marched around the conference centre, calling for the former prime minister to face war crime charges at The Hague.

They were particularly incensed that he arrived and left the inquiry without being seen.
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A letter and a speech may have doomed plans to bring the Sept. 11 terror trial to New York.

Stephen Shallash has lunch framed by the reflection of the court houses on Foley Square in the…
Stephen Shallash has lunch framed by the reflection of the court houses on Foley Square in the window of Corte Cafe at the corner of Duane and Lafayette Streets, Friday, Jan. 29, 2010 in New York. Facing growing opposition to its plans to hold the Sept. 11 terrorist trial in New York City, the Obama administration is considering moving the proceedings elsewhere. (AP Photo/Mary Altaffer)
(AP)The letter written by Mayor Michael Bloomberg to Washington earlier this month set a whopping $200-million-a-year price tag to secure the city during the trial — more than double the original estimate. The speech by Police Commissioner Raymond Kelly detailed a planned lockdown of lower Manhattan certain to set new standards for gridlock.

The resulting political and public outcry has forced the Obama administration to consider looking for a friendlier home for the high-profile trial, even as the legitimacy of the New York Police Department’s security plan and its estimated cost goes unchallenged.

Kelly insists the plan is necessary — a reality that started to sink in after his remarks before business leaders.

“The investment that the department would have to make … and the details of the plan itself, how it would’ve impacted the traffic in lower Manhattan,” he told reporters Friday. “That was the first time they heard it in one fell swoop, so to speak, and it raised their concerns.”

By announcing late last year that New York would host the trial of admitted 9/11 mastermind Khalid Sheikh Mohammed and four alleged al-Qaida cohorts, the Obama administration stumbled into a political fire that had burned the previous administration.

Since the Sept. 11, 2001, attack on the World Trade Center, New York and federal officials have quarreled over how much of the city’s security costs should be borne by Washington. New York officials, led by Bloomberg, have complained for years that the government does not pay enough of those costs. The Bush administration long argued they have to spread resources to protect the entire country.

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Tony Blair told the inquiry he believed Saddam Hussein was a “monster” before 9/11 but accepted that he would have to make the best of the situation.

At his first meeting with George Bush, in February 2001, Blair discussed Iraq. But it was in the context of trying to get a better sanctions regime. After the terrorist attacks of September 11, this view changed dramatically.

“I would fairly describe our policy up to September 11 as doing our best … but with a different calculus of risk assessment … The crucial thing after September 11 was that the calculus of risk changed.”

• He said “nothing was decided” when he had a one-to-one dinner with Bush in Crawford, Texas, in April 2002. It it is important for leaders to establish a “close and strong relationship”, he said.

“As I recall that discussion it was less to do with specifics … the principle part of my conversation was really to try and say in the end we have got to deal with the various different dimensions of this whole issue.”

• He said he was quite open about his determination to deal with Saddam and had made this point publicly in the press conference he held with Bush. “What I was saying – I was not saying this privately, incidentally; I was saying it in public – was: ‘We are going to be with you in confronting and dealing with this threat’ … The position was not a covert position; it was an open position. We would be with them in dealing with this threat and how we did that was an open question, and even at that stage I was raising the issue of going to the UN.”

• He said that telling Bush that he would support him in his drive to deal with Iraq did not set conditions because the US-UK relationship was “an alliance, not a contract”.

• Blair said that in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks, he firmly believed that he could not run the risk that Saddam would reconstitute his banned weapons programmes. “The decision I took – and frankly would take again – was if there was any possibility that he could develop weapons of mass destruction [WMD] we should stop him. That was my view then and that is my view now.”

• He suggested that there was no real difference between wanting regime change and wanting Iraq to disarm: regime change was US policy because Iraq was in breach of its UN obligations. “It’s more a different way of expressing the same proposition.”

• On the “beyond doubt” line written he wrote in the foreword of the September 2002 dossier to describe the strength of evidence of weapons of mass destruction, he said: “What I actually said in the foreword was that I believed it beyond doubt … and I did believe it.”

He said if anyone read the summary of the document produced by the joint intelligence committee as a result of the evidence presented to them at the time, he could not see how they could produce a different interpretation.

“All the intelligence we received was to the same effect. There were people perfectly justifiably and sensibly also saying that you cannot sit around and wait … you have got to take action clearly and definitively.”

• On the claim Saddam could use weapons in 45 minutes, he said he mentioned it in a statement on 24 September 2002 but “without great emphasis”. He said he has said on my occasions it would have been better to correct the impression given by claim (that it referred to WMD). But he pointed out there was not one mention of the “45-minutes” claim within the 40,000 parliamentary written questions tabled about Iraq between 2002-03. Only two of the 5,000 oral questions on Iraq during this period mentioned the allegation.

• He said that Bush’s view was that a second UN resolution was not necessary, but that he was prepared to work for one. Blair had drafted a resolution with Hans Blix, the UN weapons inspector. He rejected suggestions that his attempt to get a second resolution was to try to curtail the inspections process because of the needs of the military planning.

• Blair said he thought he could have got the nine votes necessary for a security council vote in favour of a second resolution if it had not been for the French and the Russians making it clear that they were vehemently opposed.

• On his recent interview with Fern Britton, he admitted he made a mistake when he said that he would have wanted to get rid of Saddam even if he had known Iraq had no WMD.

“I did not use the word ‘regime change’ in that interview and I did not mean to change the basis for the justification for war,” he said. It was in no sense a change in the position, which was the breach of UN resolutions on WMD, he went on. “That was the cause. It was so and it remains.”

• He told the panel that if the military at any point said that not being allowed to start ordering equipment would inhibit their ability to be ready for war, he would have accepted that. This follows claims by Geoff Hoon, the former defence secretary, that Blair had stopped him and Michael Boyce, the then chief of the defence staff, making logistics plans in the autumn of 2002 because the public would have realised the government was planning for war. Boyce said this caused a problem.
 
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You really have to wonder if alleged 9/11 mastermind Khalid Sheikh Mohammed and four co-defendants are going to wind up being tried in downtown New York City.

Mayor Mike Bloomberg has joined Gov. David Paterson and New York’s two senators in asking the Obama administration to move the KSM trial out of Manhattan. Rep. Peter King, R-N.Y., is pushing a congressional bill that would deny funding for a New York trial.

New York newspapers are reporting that Obama has ordered the Justice Department to look for a new trial site. And you have to figure that KSM’s lawyers will seek a change of venue in any case.

Here’s a statement from the Obama administration: “Conversations have occurred within the administration to discuss contingency options should the possibility of a trial in Lower Manhattan be foreclosed upon by Congress or locally.”
Stay tuned.
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Four months after it sailed through the Democratic-led House, legislation to overhaul federal student lending and channel about $80 billion in savings toward an array of education initiatives has stalled in the Senate.

In his State of the Union address Wednesday, President Obama exhorted the Senate to pass the bill, which he said would revitalize community colleges and make college more affordable. But the bill faces unified opposition from the Republican minority and sharp questions from at least some Democrats, according to congressional aides from both parties, and the Democratic majority has put it on hold during the drawn-out health-care deliberations.

The assumption on Capitol Hill is that Democrats will attempt to move the student loan bill through a special procedure that requires a simple majority rather than the usual 60 votes out of 100 needed to stop a filibuster. That tactic is also under discussion for health-care reform, said the aides, who asked for anonymity to speak candidly. So the two issues have become intertwined.

Timing is significant. because the student loan legislation would require all colleges to use direct government lending as of July 1 for federal loans. Currently, they can choose between direct lending and a federal program that guarantees student loans made by private banks. The bill would not affect nonfederal loans.

By cutting banks out of the equation, the administration expects to reap $80 billion over the next decade for increased student aid, community colleges, early childhood education and other programs. Those funding estimates, however, are being questioned because they are several months old.

Prominent players in the lending industry, including Sallie Mae, oppose the legislation, saying that it will eliminate thousands of jobs and that there are ways to save the government money without shutting out private lenders. Republicans depict themselves as defenders of market competition.

Sen. Tom Harkin (D-Iowa), chairman of the Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee, has not introduced his version of the House bill, passed in mid-September on a vote of 253 to 171. He said he plans to move a bill “early this year.”

In the meantime, Republicans are on the attack. “Relying on budgetary gimmicks to stage another Washington takeover, this time of 15 million student loans, is not good for college students,” said Sen. Lamar Alexander (R-Tenn.), a former education secretary. “The Department of Education in Washington will not be able to serve students as well as 3,000 lending institutions.”

Sen. Ben Nelson (D-Neb.) and a few other Democrats also have raised questions about the bill, although it appears that most in the party support it.

Bob Shireman, deputy undersecretary of education, said colleges are preparing to switch to direct lending. “I’m confident that we’ll see movement on this bill.”

The University of Maryland is preparing to switch to direct lending if needed, said Sarah Bauder, the school’s financial aid director, but she added that she prefers the public-private guaranteed lending program. “My concern is that no one’s made a decision yet” in Congress, Bauder said. “It’s holding the students hostage.”

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Mr Sarkozy warned he would hang from a butcher’s hook, but Mr de Villepin walked out of court a free man.

Prosecutors had called for an 80-month suspended prison sentence and a hefty fine to be issued against him.

But the ruling magistrates said there was insufficient evidence to convict him on the charge of trying to smear his political rival’s name.

The judge says there is no proof he failed to stop a corruption inquiry into Mr Sarkozy, despite knowing the claims against him were false.

The former prime minister is now likely to relaunch his political career and challenge Mr Sarkozy in the next general election in 2012.

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In announcing the long-awaited iPad Wednesday, Apple released in beta the software development kit needed to build applications for the tablet computer.
The SDK is an upgrade of the current iPhone SDK, beefed up with tools for developing on the iPad. The device, which looks like a very large iPhone, was introduced in San Francisco during a news conference led by chief executive and Apple co-founder Steve Jobs.

The iPhone SDK 3.2 beta is only available for download from Apple’s site to members of the iPhone Developer Program. The kit includes software tools for developing apps for the iPhone operating system used in both devices, as well as an iPad simulator.

The simulator, which runs on a Mac with OS X v10.6.2 or later, lets developers lay out their application’s user interface for the iPad’s 10-inch multi-touch display. In addition, the tool can be used to test an application’s memory usage and to shorten the debug cycle in the design process.

Other components of the SDK include an iPad programming guide, as well as guidelines for designing UIs that take advantage of the new views and controls available in the new product. The SDK also includes sample code and documentation for building “universal applications” for the iPad, iPhone and iPod Touch.

The iPhone Developer Program costs $99 per year for the standard membership and $299 for the enterprise membership. The latter program is for companies creating proprietary in-house applications. The membership is aimed at companies with 500 or more employees.

The iPad, which is scheduled to be released in late March, is powered by a system-on-a-chip designed by Apple. The SoC, called A4, helps in boosting the battery life of the product to up to 10 hours, according to Apple.

The Wi-Fi-only iPad will have a starting price of $499. A Wi-Fi and 3G model, which is scheduled to be available in April, will have a starting price of $629. Nearly all of the 140,000 iPhone applications available in Apple’s App Store will also run on the iPad, according to Apple.

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Hours after President Obama delivered his first State of the Union address, administration members hit the road and took to the airwaves to pitch the president’s No. 1 priority: jobs.

But the administration is not abandoning health care despite the president’s not mentioning the overhaul effort until 30 minutes into his speech, Vice President Joe Biden told “Good Morning America” today.

“The beginning of the speech was to remind everybody not to blame, but to remind everybody what we had to do the first year,” Biden said. “We inherited an awful lot and the president basically said, ‘Look, we had a lot to do and now that we got things stabilized, now is the time to focus on jobs.’”

Obama said last night that job creation will be his administration’s top priority this year and he vowed to continue pushing for health-care legislation despite recent political setbacks.

“Jobs must be our No. 1 one focus in 2010,” the president said.

It’s an objective many Republicans are praising and saying is long overdue.

“We lost a year,” former Massachusetts Republican Gov. Mitt Romney said on “GMA.” “Instead of focusing on jobs, [Obama] focused on health care and a host of other things.”

Obama’s call for a new jobs bill did draw bipartisan support from the members of Congress seated before him in the House chamber. Obama dedicated about two-thirds of his address to the economy and domestic policy issues as he tried to reassure an increasingly skeptical U.S. public that his agenda is the right solution to fix the nation’s economic woes.

The president acknowledged mistakes made in his first year, but he was resolute that he could keep the promises he made to the American people when he ran for office.

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A crowd of Haitian looters called for help from U.S. soldiers on Tuesday after finding a man buried in the rubble of a building that had been repeatedly scavenged since the devastating earthquake in Port-au-Prince two weeks ago.

A witness told Reuters the man, covered in dust and wearing only underwear, was rescued by soldiers from the U.S. Army 82nd Airborne Division at a ruined building on Rue de Miracle in downtown Port-au-Prince.

The Americans treated Rico Dibrivell, 35, for a broken leg and severe dehydration. Dibrivell said he had been trapped under the building since the Jan. 12 quake.

The military provided no details about how he managed to survive, saying only in a statement late Tuesday that Dibrivell’s family said he had been missing for two weeks.

“He got sent to the hospital. He’s going to make it,” Specialist Andrew Pourak, one of the rescuers, said.

More than 100 people have been unearthed by rescue teams since the quake, and many more by their neighbors, but most of those were in the immediate aftermath and authorities say it is unlikely for anyone to survive more than 72 hours without water. On Saturday, an international team of rescuers unearthed a shop clerk who they believed had been buried since the earthquake.

Hundreds of thousands of other hungry and thirsty children are scattered among Port-au-Prince’s squatter camps of survivors, without protection against disease or child predators — often with nobody to care for them.

“There’s an estimated 1 million unaccompanied or orphaned children or children who lost one parent,” said Kate Conradt, a spokeswoman for the aid group Save the Children. “They are extremely vulnerable.”

The U.N. children’s agency, UNICEF, has established a special tent camp for girls and boys separated from their parents in the Jan. 12 quake, and who are in danger of falling prey to child traffickers and other abusers. The Connecticut-based Save the Children has set up “Child Spaces” in 13 makeshift settlements. The Red Cross and other groups are working to reunite families and get children into orphanages.

The post-quake needs of Haiti’s children have outrun available help. Some youngsters have been released from hospitals with no one to care for them — there just aren’t enough beds.

“Health workers are being advised to monitor and send separated/unaccompanied children to child-friendly spaces,” the U.N. humanitarian office said in its latest situation report.

The plight of the young is poignant even in a country where the U.N. estimates a third of the 9 million population needs international assistance in the quake’s aftermath. “We still have a huge distance to go,” said John Holmes, the U.N. relief coordinator.

That was evident in Port-au-Prince’s streets, alleys and crumbled doorways, where handwritten messages begged for help. In the Juvenat neighborhood, a group of 50 families hung a white sheet from a doorway, with this plea scrawled in green: “We need food assistance, water and medicine.”

It was evident, too, among the thousands pressing against Haitian police at a food-distribution site in the Cite Soleil slum. They swung sticks to beat back the crowd.

Brazilian troops in armored personnel carriers controlled a tightly packed line of earthquake survivors waiting for food in the broiling sun by firing pepper spray and training their guns on the jostling, rowdy crowd. The line stretched between the partially collapsed National Palace and entirely destroyed Supreme Court.

One soldier loaded a shotgun and returned their taunts by shouting back insults in Creole. Some were offended, others amused at hearing a Brazilian trooper insulting them in their own language.

“They treat us like animals, they beat us but we are hungry people,” said Muller Bellegarde, 30.

Several left without getting food, fearful of the pepper spray, the soldiers, and thugs who were grabbing food from receivers.

Many said they appreciate the international response and under no circumstances want the Haitian government to handle aid deliveries, but suggested Haitian churches could provide more orderly and respectful venues for distributions, with Haitian communities organizing security.

“The help is good but the way they’re doing it is bad. This is anarchy,” Thomas Louis, 40, trying to get rice and oil for his two babies, aged 2 and six months. “This is not aid. This is a way to put people down.”

The monumental scale of the Haiti disaster — perhaps 200,000 dead, a capital city on its knees — has severely strained the world’s ability to get relief supplies through Port-au-Prince’s overloaded airport and crippled seaport.

Some 800 to 1,000 aid flights were still awaiting permission to land, a seven-day backlog, U.N. and European officials reported Tuesday. On top of that, “trucks are needed,” U.N. spokeswoman Elisabeth Byrs said in Geneva — especially small trucks because “the streets are extremely congested.”

The U.N.’s Holmes estimated that 2 million people need food, but only 500,000 have received some so far.

The medical picture has improved, but remains critical. World Health Organization spokesman Paul Garwood said more medical staff is needed, especially rehabilitation specialists, to help with postoperative recovery of 200,000 people who have had amputations or other surgery.

Haitians and volunteers from dozens of countries, working around the clock, were still performing up to 100 amputations a day in some hospitals.

At the General Hospital, Price strode from tent to tent checking on the 81 children under his care. Staff interrupted the tall, balding pediatrician with a string of questions: “Do you know about this baby?” “Where’s the medication?” “Where will we sleep tonight?”

Of the nameless, speechless trio, he was treating young Joe for an infection oozing from both eyes. The 7-pound (3-kilogram) Baby Sebastian, in a white diaper decorated with sheep, had diarrhea. The unnamed girl, about 10, lay listlessly and stared upward. She had an eye infection, but would soon be picked up by an orphanage, Price said.

With no clues to their past, Price could only wonder.

“Maybe some of these parents are not even looking because their house was destroyed and they might think the kid was inside,” he said. “But maybe the kid was pulled out, so they are missing each other.”

Children left alone are everywhere. At one of the 13 Save the Children sites, about 25 children have no adult relatives taking care of them, Conradt said. She said the group has helped some 6,000 children since the quake.

The aid group’s “Child Spaces” are cordoned-off areas where children can play under supervision,” run around being children, giving them a chance to return to normalcy as much as they can.”

Such areas also protect children against the potential for abduction by child traffickers, a chronic problem in pre-quake Haiti, where thousands were handed over to other families into lives of domestic servitude, said Deb Barry, an emergency protection adviser with Save the Children.

She said her organization was working to track down every rumor it hears about threats to stranded children, “but we haven’t been able to verify those thus far.”

In Geneva, a UNICEF spokeswoman, Veronique Taveau, said the organization had been told of children disappearing from hospitals. “It’s difficult to establish the reality,” she said, but added that UNICEF has strengthened security at hospitals and orphanages.

Save the Children, the Red Cross and other organizations, meanwhile, are trying to establish a joint database of information to try to reunite separated families.

Government spokeswoman Marie Laurence Jocelyn-Lassegue, the communications minister, said Tuesday that Haitian officials have temporarily halted new adoptions because of concerns about corruption and carelessness in the system.

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