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Reporting from New Delhi – Shaqeel Qalander, a furniture maker living on the Indian side of divided Kashmir, for years has been telling anyone willing to listen that India and Pakistan need to dial down their distrust, remove the cumbersome restrictions impeding trade and take other steps toward getting along.

The tradesman said he wholeheartedly welcomed Thursday’s meeting of the two nations’ foreign secretaries in New Delhi, the first formal talks between the nuclear-armed neighbors since Pakistani-based militants attacked the Indian city of Mumbai 15 months ago.

“We are very much pleased with such initiatives,” Qalander said. “Everything can be resolved at the table, not with fighting and conflict.”

But as someone in the economic trenches, he has few illusions. People who want to do business across the so-called Line of Control that divides Kashmir can do so only by barter, must work through government intermediaries and can ship using only small, uneconomical trucks. Qalander knows how much work it takes to bridge the gap, in trade or diplomacy.

“It takes enormous patience,” he said. “At times we think no sane person can do this, but we continue to do it. There’s just so little trust.”

Officials, analysts and ordinary people in Pakistan and India concur, saying they see little likelihood of a breakthrough when Pakistani Foreign Secretary Salman Bashir and his Indian counterpart, Nirupama Rao, sit down together. Still, talking is better than fighting, several said.

One problem is that both governments are going in with their guards up. “It’s quite unfortunate that the two sides have come down to the same mutually incompatible positions,” said Ishtiaq Ahmad, professor of international relations at Quaid-i-Azam University in Pakistan.

India wants to focus exclusively on counter-terrorism, with a spotlight on the links between Pakistan’s security agencies and such groups as the banned Lashkar-e-Taiba. That’s a non-starter for Pakistan.

“If they continue keeping in touch with terror groups in the interest of getting at India, there’s little hope for progress,” said K. Shankar Bajpai, a former Indian ambassador to Pakistan and now an analyst with the Delhi Policy Group. “They can’t keep hunting with the hounds and running with the hares.”

Pakistan wants discussions centered on Kashmir, the subject of two wars between the nations. That’s a non-starter for India.

Even if there was enough goodwill to move forward, it’s difficult to know whom in Pakistan to negotiate with. Pakistani President Asif Ali Zardari is on the political ropes, Prime Minister Yusaf Raza Gillani serves at the will of the president, and army chief Gen. Ashfaq Kayani is to retire this year.

“There are three centers of power — who do you talk with?” said Dipankar Banerjee, director of New Delhi’s Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies.

Meanwhile, India’s ruling Congress Party is vulnerable to public pressure in any normalization talks.

Nor was the mood on the eve of the talks helped by reports that Indian border guards were fired on Wednesday from the Pakistani side of Kashmir, resulting in the injury of one officer. Pakistan denied that its troops fired.

Authorities said a two-day battle that ended Wednesday between Indian security forces and suspected Islamic insurgents on the Indian side of Kashmir had killed three Indian soldiers and three militants.

Ordinary Indians and Pakistanis noted their own perceived hurdles to reconciliation.

“No one wants war or tension, and it’s good they’re meeting,” said Saleem A. Kashmiri, a school administrator in Lahore, Pakistan. “But we’d also like to see the common man’s interests addressed. Bigger even than terrorism is the water fight between the two countries. If we have no water, we have no crops.”

Others cited ways in which the border has disrupted their lives.

“I had a very good internship offer in [the Indian city of] Ahmedabad, but with the visa issue, I just couldn’t do it,” said Marvi Mazhar, who recently graduated from architecture school in Karachi, Pakistan.

The biggest problem is the politicians, said Saurabh Chaudhary, 26, New Delhi-based owner of a small-events management firm.

“At the people level everything is fine,” Chaudhary said. “But at the political level there will never be a solution. . . . So in a way, there is normalization, but we are still enemies.”

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Democratic and Republican senators struggled to hammer out a modest bipartisan job-creation package Thursday, reflecting how a turbulent political atmosphere is snarling even legislation with popular support.

The halting cross-party cooperation reflects intense public pressure for the parties to develop legislation designed to tackle the nation’s high unemployment. But even if a jobs bill passes in the Senate next week, it faces skepticism in the House, which passed its own comprehensive jobs package in December. An array of more controversial job-creation proposals have been left for later, leaving their fate in doubt.

Democratic and Republican senators struggled to hammer out a modest bipartisan job-creation package Thursday, reflecting how a turbulent political atmosphere is snarling even legislation with popular support.

The halting cross-party cooperation reflects intense public pressure for the parties to develop legislation designed to tackle the nation’s high unemployment. But even if a jobs bill passes in the Senate next week, it faces skepticism in the House, which passed its own comprehensive jobs package in December. An array of more controversial job-creation proposals have been left for later, leaving their fate in doubt.

At the same time, Republicans are pushing for a one-year suspension of long-planned cuts in Medicare payments to physicians, which also would run up the deficit. Democrats want a less-costly change.

The jobs package is expected to include the Schumer-Hatch proposal, which would relieve any company hiring an unemployed worker of having to pay the employee’s 6.2% Social Security payroll tax in 2010. If the company keeps the new hire for a year, it would get a $1,000 tax credit.

“I don’t see why any Republican would be against this,” Mr. Hatch said. “It certainly will be a bipartisan bill that I think everybody should be happy with.”

Another item would beef up a tax credit that lets businesses write off in a single year job-creating investments that are often written off over several years.

The bill also is likely to extend funding authorization for transportation projects, and it would prolong, for three months, unemployment-insurance payments and Cobra health benefits for laid-off workers.

It also would extend a series of tax breaks, including the research and development tax credit.

Despite the nascent bipartisanship in the Senate, the jobs bill faces a difficult path. House Democrats openly disdain the Senate’s approach of splitting the jobs package into a series of smaller bills, a move designed to avoid the resistance a larger measure would attract. The House would need to find a way to reconcile any Senate bill with the broader $154 billion jobs legislation it approved late last year.

“We just think the Senate ought to step up to the plate and do something for the American people and create a real jobs bill,” said Rep. John Larson (D., Conn.).

A series of votes Thursday dramatized the conflicting pressures Democrats face to spur job growth and control the deficit. The House voted 217-212 to raise the government’s borrowing authority to a record level, with 37 Democrats joining Republicans opposing the measure.

Later, the House approved legislation requiring all new programs enacted by Congress to be paid for with offsetting spending cuts or tax increases.

—Corey Boles contributed to this article.

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In a few hours, the jig will be up. Apple will have unveiled its latest and greatest gadget, which is widely expected to (and better) be a tablet. For months, the tech world has been swarming over a steady stream of purported leaks, rumors, and strategically planned business moves by Apple that have pointed in a number of directions. Let’s break a few of the big ones down by quality.

Rumors of Apple offering a tablet device have been swirling for close to a decade, though things really started to heat up when Apple released the iPhone and iPod Touch. After several very successful generations of these touch-screen devices, along with the acquisition of PA Semi and touch-gesture company Fingerworks, it seemed almost inevitable that Apple was cooking up something bigger.

The real proof, however came in the form of a patent application from 2008 that gave a very clear idea of how Apple imagined users interacting with such a device. Many of the ideas and principles that are detailed in that patent seem to mirror Apple’s user design ethos for the iPhone and iPod Touch, which has led to speculation (and even more rumors) that the tablet will have a similar OS to what’s found on the iPhone and iPod.

The name game
The rumored name of Apple’s tablet has gone under two main monikers: the “iSlate” and the “iPad.”

Blog Mac Rumors discovered historical evidence that Apple has owned the iSlate.com domain since 2007. The day after that discovery, blog TechCrunch found that the iSlate name was a registered trademark of Slate Computing, which turned out to be a company owned by Apple. The connection was confirmed by Mac Rumors, which found the signature of Apple’s senior trademark specialist on the iSlate trademark application.

The lesser of the two names is “iPad,” which despite being just one letter off from “iPod” is in far shakier legal ground. Tech company Fujitsu has held a trademark for the word iPad since 2003. This is on top of the company having shipped Microsoft Windows CE-based devices called the iPad, which were sold to retail stores to let customers look up prices and navigate around the store.

The only reason this became a lead in the tablet name sniffing case, was because Apple filed three separate extension requests with the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office to lengthen the amount of time it had to file for an opposition to Fujitsu’s claim.

In either case, both are perfectly reasonable names for the tablet. But more importantly, there’s enough of a legal shuffle behind the scenes to suggest that Apple is at least trying to cover its bases in a similar fashion to what it did prior to releasing the iPhone.

Lots of partners
It’s a sure bet Apple is rolling out its tablet with a handful of companies in tow. Apple has a good track record of approaching certain parties ahead of a release to help write software for it. This was the case with the iPhone, where Apple worked with Google and Yahoo to get both Web technology from both companies to work right out of the box.

As for the tablet, this was all but confirmed Tuesday afternoon by McGraw-Hill CEO Terry McGraw, who announced on live television that his company’s textbooks would be available on the unreleased device.

Lesser rumors surfaced in late-December when blog Silicon Alley Insider reported that Apple had approached a handful of top game and app developers to create versions of their software for a device with a larger resolution.

PA Semi inside

 
Will the tablet be running on an Intel chip? Probably not. Despite Intel’s advances in miniaturization, low power consumption, and heat control, Apple has been in the chip-making business since 2008 when it picked up PA Semi. And in that two years it’s gotten its x86 chips exclusively from Intel.

A report from VentureBeat this past summer claimed that the PA’s efforts were forked after Apple’s purchase. While one part of PA was busy making ARM chips to power Apple’s portables, another group was working on the chip that will power the tablet.

Is this a good rumor? You bet it is. If one thing has been made clear over the years, it’s that Apple likes to have complete control. And when it comes to building hardware, and Apple’s business at large–a good way to keep leaks at bay is to keep the entire operation in-house.
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Democrats envisioned a smooth passing of the baton in the January 19 special election to fill the seat of the late Edward Kennedy, a political giant who died of brain cancer in August after holding the seat for 46 years.

A victory would maintain the Democrats’ 60-seat Senate majority, allowing them to overcome Republican procedural hurdles that could block reform of the $2.5 trillion healthcare sector, Obama’s top legislative priority.

Instead, some polls say the race between State Attorney-General Martha Coakley, 56, and her Republican opponent, State Senator Scott Brown, is too close to call.

“The closeness of the race reflects deep voter dissatisfaction with how the president and the congressional majority are dealing with vital matters,” including healthcare and the war on terror, said Mark Landy, a political science professor at Boston College.

Both sides are pouring millions of dollars into the northeastern state to buy television advertising, much of it negative, and Democrats are bringing out their big guns for Coakley’s final push.

Obama made a personal pitch for the candidate via e-mail and a Web video on Thursday. Former President Bill Clinton, who is popular in the state, will stump for Coakley in Boston on Friday. And the Kennedy family has come out in force this week on her behalf.

Raising the stakes for Democrats, Brown has vowed to vote against the health care bill should he pull off an upset win.

To forestall that possibility, Secretary of State William Galvin, Massachusetts’ top election official, said on Wednesday certifying the election results could take weeks.

Until the winner is certified and seated, interim Sen. Paul Kirk, a Democrat, would remain in the Senate and has said he would vote for the health care bill.

“THE PEOPLE’S SEAT”

Surveys over the past week suggest the election could be anything from a double-digit Coakley cruise to a statistical tie. Republicans last held a U.S. Senate seat in the New England state more than four decades ago.

But Brown, 50, an attorney, former model and Lieutenant Colonel in the Army National Guard, threw down the gauntlet on Monday in a debate with Coakley.

“It’s not the Kennedys’ seat, it’s not the Democrats’ seat, it’s the people’s seat,” Brown said.

2010 was already shaping up as a rough year for Obama and the Democrats. The party in power typically loses seats in an off-year election after a Presidential victory.

But the possibility of losing a seat in the most liberal state in the country — and Kennedy’s old seat at that — shows the extent of Obama’s troubles.

As the campaign winds down Democrats have tried to link Brown to the policies of former President George W. Bush, noting he is opposed to financial reform on Wall Street.

DON’T TAKE US FOR GRANTED

Regardless of the national mood, Coakley’s bigger risk is a voter backlash against Massachusetts’ long history of one-party rule and political corruption, said Thomas Whalen, a political historian at Boston University.

The state’s Democratic Party is seen as rife with scandal. Three consecutive former Massachusetts House speakers have been indicted and three state senators have resigned in disgrace in the past two years for various infractions.

“Voters are very angry at the way things have turned out locally; the way the state’s Democrats have abused their power with one scandal after another,” Whalen said. “The message of this election is ‘don’t take us for granted,’ and Martha Coakley is collateral damage.”

In the end, Coakley’s support in western Massachusetts, her backing by many women’s groups, and the Democratic Party’s more effective get-out-the-vote apparatus could pull out a narrow victory that weeks ago seemed all but assured.
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